PolitiClone: Uttar Pradesh

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Mayawati under fire for slapping Dalit Act on TV scribes

7:05 AM

Lucknow, Sep 10 : Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati has come under fire from media persons and the opposition for slapping the Dalit Act on reporters of a national TV channel for a news report on how a starving Dalit sold off his wife in the poverty-hit Bundelkhand region of the state.

The Uttar Pradesh Accredited Press Correspondents Committee has vehemently condemned the government’s move to haul the IBN-7 channel and its scribes over the stringent provisions of the Dalit Act.

Samajwadi Party president and former chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav termed the move as draconian and anti-democratic.

“What the TV channel reported was harsh reality and the media must have the freedom to show the truth in a democracy,” Mulayam Singh told reporters here.

He added, “But through her vindictive action, she has proved that she does not believe in democratic values at all and instead her intent was to intimidate the media so that it remains under her thumb.”

Mulayam Singh said: “I challenge her to take action against me as I still maintain that the Dalit woman was sold away so that her family could get four square meals.”

He also flayed the state Women’s Commission for “manipulating facts in its bid to disprove the report”.

The Women’s Commission that took the lead in contradicting the TV expose is headed by the sister of Mayawati’s blue-eyed lieutenant Satish Chandra Misra, the ruling Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)’s Brahmin mascot.

It is no longer just BSP vs SP in Uttar Pradesh

4:12 AM

BSP supremo Mayawati
Venkitesh Ramakrishnan

Lucknow: The electoral battle in Uttar Pradesh is steadily acquiring the dimensions of a quadrangular contest. This is the impression as the campaigning for the 18 seats in penultimate phase of polling in Uttar Pradesh came to a close on Tuesday and the electioneering for the fifth and final phase — scheduled for May 13 — gathered momentum in the remaining 14 seats.

What was originally considered to be an electoral tussle between the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which controls the State government, and the principal Opposition, the Samajwadi Party (SP), is no longer confined to that dimension. The two national parties, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have made their presence felt in a sizable number of constituencies. In the process, it has become clear that neither of the two regional forces is going to match the dominant SP performance — 39 out of 80 — of 2004.

Splintered Minority vote

SP chief Mulayam Singh Yadav The factors that have contributed to this situation are manifold. These include the splintering of the Muslim vote in several political directions, the consequent advantage obtained by the Hindutva-oriented BJP, the appreciation that the social sector programmes of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) such as the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) has evoked among a number of communities particularly in rural Uttar Pradesh, and the virtual collapse of the Dalit-Brahmin brotherhood built by the BSP during the 2005 Assembly polls.
The splintering of the Muslim vote had become evident right from the first phase of polling on April 16, and that has continued apace in the later phases too. In 2004, the largest chunk of Muslim votes had gone to the SP. But the SP’s association with the former BJP Chief Minister, Mr Kalyan Singh, has divested the party of the favourite position among the minority voters. The SP is still preferred by the community in seats fought by its stalwarts, such as Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav and Mr Akhilesh Yadav, but elsewhere it is moving in other directions.
Cases in point among the seats going to polls in the last two phases are Moradabad and Dhaurahra, where former Indian cricket captain Mohammed Azharuddin and a former Union Minister, Mr Jitin Prasad, respectively are attracting large segments of Muslim voters as Congress candidates. In Rampur too, the opposition to the Kalyan Singh association by senior SP leader, Mr Azam Khan, is causing problems for Jayaprada, the party’s sitting MP from the seat.
Congress, BJP benefit The BJP had benefited from the split in the Muslim vote in earlier phases too. In the seats going to polls in the last two phases this advantage is palpable in Aonla and Meerut, among others. In Aonla, former Union Minister, Mrs Maneka Gandhi, is the BJP candidate. The collapse of the BSP’s Dalit-Brahmin brotherhood has led to the flight of Brahmin votes away from the party in constituencies such as Moradabad and Aligarh. In Moradabad, it is benefiting the Congress while in Aligarh the BJP is the beneficiary.
Amid the gains being made by the Congress and the BJP, the two principal parties of the State are holding on with the strength of their core vote base. The BSP’s Dalit vote base continues to prop up its candidates in seats such as Saharanpur, Bijnor and Nagina while the SP’s OBC (Other Backward Caste) vote base stands it in good stead in constituencies such as Mainpuri, Kannauj, Etawa and Firozabad. Still, there is little doubt that both the regional forces are far behind their expectations at the beginning of the poll process.

BSP’s Target in UP is 30 Seats

3:29 AM

BSP's Target in UP is 30 Seats

NEW DELHI: After it rewrote the grammar of heartland politics by capturing power on its own steam in Uttar Pradesh, BSP was widely reckoned to be

the favourite for at least half of the 80 Lok Sabha seats in the state. It retained its top seeding till the polls began. But with half the exercise over, a strong consensus seems to be taking shape that the party may not live up to the billing.

Its `secular’ rivals — SP and Congress — believe that BSP is not crossing the 30-seat mark. Even BJP is of the same view, leading to an agreement of sorts that SP may remain the largest group despite a dip in its tally of 37 from the last encounter.

While poll estimates can go wrong and few had the prescience to forecast BSP’s remarkable performance in the assembly polls barely two years ago, there is no mistaking the downward revision of Mayawati’s prospects.

Inputs from three phases of voting in 48 of 80 seats suggest that BSP has not taken the kind of lead in east, around Lucknow and Bundelkhand, as to jump way ahead of others. In fact, BJP and Congress claimed to have waded into what promised to be a bipolar polity, each hoping to net a near-15 figure.

If the projections come to bear, it will not only put paid to Mayawati’s aspiration to be the first Dalit prime minister, it will also mark a blow for Left’s plan to have a decisive say in government formation.

The change in the script is being attributed to a drift of Brahmins, whose support was one of the main factors behind Mayawati’s win in assembly polls and the perception that the party had reneged on its pledge to abolish goonda raj. Observers say that while there is nothing to suggest that Brahmins as a constituency have turned their back on the party, BSP has failed to emerge as their natural preference. The community is voting strategically, casting fresh glances at BJP and Congress.

The turnaround on law and order with Mayawati courting dons and glamourising them as Robin Hoods — at least in the case of Mukhtar Ansari — has put off people who trusted the party for its “ chadh goondon ki chhati par, mohar lagegi haathi par ” battle cry.

Bahujan hopefuls don’t agree, arguing they are set to benefit from Muslim and EBC mobilisation behind SCs. The low polling will favour BSP because its committed voters will turn out in any case giving it an edge in close contests. The party also fancies its chances in 17 reserved seats which have a higher concentration of dalits.

A low-turnout, strong Muslim card in eastern and western UP on the back of dalit mobilisation are real imponderables which can play havoc with even informed estimates. At the same time, Congress has inserted itself in the battle and division of votes may cut both ways.

Congress is not waiting for May 16 though, as insiders say, they are gearing up for a partnership with SP, a serious shift coming on the back of the verbal blood-letting that followed the failure of seat-sharing talks. In the assessment of AICC, SP’s score will almost rival what Mayawati may notch up.

The strategists will, of course, have to rush to the drawing board if BSP defies the fresh projections to return with a tally of 40-odd seats. They are unlikely to be deterred by either BSP’s membership of the Third Front or that the dalit outfit poses a long-term threat because of its ambition to become the sole vehicle of dalit assertion across the country. Every MP this time would be valued in the absence of big allies like RJD, DMK and Left.

If Congress is forgetting the bitterness to plump for SP in a haste, it is also because Mulayam Singh is expected to be more dependable as a coalition partner if only because of the limited options he has. The SP boss cannot have an overt partnership with BJP while he is wary of Third Front, which he sees as a packed house of ambitious satraps, and is critically dependent on Congress. A Third Front, without Mayawati, can be an option but not that attractive.

Mayawati is just the opposite. The Dalit maverick can play on all power fronts — UPA, Third Front and NDA.

With a good number in her bag, she is likely to first explore the leadership option with Third Front — her best bet as Congress and BJP would be scared of ceding a key leadership position to her for fear of its impact on their dalit and Brahmin votebanks nationally. But she can surprise with an innovative arrangement with UPA or NDA.

The BJP performance would decide a lot of things, including SP’s fate. In fact, its ability to tap seats which Mulayam loses from his bunch of 39 would determine how much Congress and BJP pocket. A failure on that score may see SP lose numbers without the commensurate increase in BSP tally. It would be advantage Mulayam. And thereby Congress.

BSP may struggle to cross 30 seats in UP

11:33 PM

NEW DELHI: After it rewrote the grammar of heartland politics by capturing power on its own steam in Uttar Pradesh, BSP was widely reckoned to be

the favourite for at least half of the 80 Lok Sabha seats in the state. It retained its top seeding till the polls began. But with half the exercise over, a strong consensus seems to be taking shape that the party may not live up to the billing.

Its `secular' rivals — SP and Congress — believe that BSP is not crossing the 30-seat mark. Even BJP is of the same view, leading to an agreement of sorts that SP may remain the largest group despite a dip in its tally of 37 from the last encounter.

While poll estimates can go wrong and few had the prescience to forecast BSP's remarkable performance in the assembly polls barely two years ago, there is no mistaking the downward revision of Mayawati's prospects.

Inputs from three phases of voting in 48 of 80 seats suggest that BSP has not taken the kind of lead in east, around Lucknow and Bundelkhand, as to jump way ahead of others. In fact, BJP and Congress claimed to have waded into what promised to be a bipolar polity, each hoping to net a near-15 figure.

If the projections come to bear, it will not only put paid to Mayawati's aspiration to be the first Dalit prime minister, it will also mark a blow for Left's plan to have a decisive say in government formation.

The change in the script is being attributed to a drift of Brahmins, whose support was one of the main factors behind Mayawati's win in assembly polls and the perception that the party had reneged on its pledge to abolish goonda raj. Observers say that while there is nothing to suggest that Brahmins as a constituency have turned their back on the party, BSP has failed to emerge as their natural preference. The community is voting strategically, casting fresh glances at BJP and Congress.

The turnaround on law and order with Mayawati courting dons and glamourising them as Robin Hoods — at least in the case of Mukhtar Ansari — has put off people who trusted the party for its `` chadh goondon ki chhati par, mohar lagegi haathi par '' battle cry.

Bahujan hopefuls don't agree, arguing they are set to benefit from Muslim and EBC mobilisation behind SCs. The low polling will favour BSP because its committed voters will turn out in any case giving it an edge in close contests. The party also fancies its chances in 17 reserved seats which have a higher concentration of dalits.

A low-turnout, strong Muslim card in eastern and western UP on the back of dalit mobilisation are real imponderables which can play havoc with even informed estimates. At the same time, Congress has inserted itself in the battle and division of votes may cut both ways.

Congress is not waiting for May 16 though, as insiders say, they are gearing up for a partnership with SP, a serious shift coming on the back of the verbal blood-letting that followed the failure of seat-sharing talks. In the assessment of AICC, SP's score will almost rival what Mayawati may notch up.

The strategists will, of course, have to rush to the drawing board if BSP defies the fresh projections to return with a tally of 40-odd seats. They are unlikely to be deterred by either BSP's membership of the Third Front or that the dalit outfit poses a long-term threat because of its ambition to become the sole vehicle of dalit assertion across the country. Every MP this time would be valued in the absence of big allies like RJD, DMK and Left.

If Congress is forgetting the bitterness to plump for SP in a haste, it is also because Mulayam Singh is expected to be more dependable as a coalition partner if only because of the limited options he has. The SP boss cannot have an overt partnership with BJP while he is wary of Third Front, which he sees as a packed house of ambitious satraps, and is critically dependent on Congress. A Third Front, without Mayawati, can be an option but not that attractive.

Mayawati is just the opposite. The Dalit maverick can play on all power fronts — UPA, Third Front and NDA.

With a good number in her bag, she is likely to first explore the leadership option with Third Front — her best bet as Congress and BJP would be scared of ceding a key leadership position to her for fear of its impact on their dalit and Brahmin votebanks nationally. But she can surprise with an innovative arrangement with UPA or NDA.

The BJP performance would decide a lot of things, including SP's fate. In fact, its ability to tap seats which Mulayam loses from his bunch of 39 would determine how much Congress and BJP pocket. A failure on that score may see SP lose numbers without the commensurate increase in BSP tally. It would be advantage Mulayam. And thereby Congress.

204 candidates to contest in final phase poll battle in UP

7:19 AM

Lucknow, Apr 28 : Altogether 204 candidates are in the fray for the fifth and final phase of Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh to be held for 14 Lok Sabha seats on May 13.

A total of 307 candidates had filed their nomination for this phase of elections. Out of them, papers of 89 candidates were rejected during scrutiny and 14 candidates withdrew their nomination today, the last day of withdrawal of nominations for the fifth phase.

Bijnore Lok Sabha seat has the highest number of 23 candidates in the fray, while Bareilly has the lowest number with eight contestants.

A total of 1,369 candidates are contesting elections for 80 Lok Sabha seats in UP, where polling is being held in five phases.

In the first phase, where polling was held in 16 constituencies on April 16, there were 271 candidates, while in Phase-II in 17 constituencies on April 23, there were 324 candidates in the fray.

In polling for the third phase, which is scheduled on April 30, there are 256 candidates contesting to 15 constituencies, while in the fourth phase polling on May 7 in 18 Lok Sabha seats, there are 314 candidates.

Resurgence of the Congress & BJP in UP

12:53 AM

With two phases of the Lok Sabha polls completed, there appears to be a clear resurgence of the national parties, mainly the Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party , in Uttar Pradesh . When the electoral process started, no one had any inkling of this. But, then, such unexpected outcomes are the hallmarks of India's vibrant democracy.

The Election Commission of India has made elections less visible and less audible: No banners, no posters, no hoardings, no wall writings, no handbills, and, no blaring of loudspeakers. The fear of the Election Commission's Expenditure Observers, who are keeping a close vigil on actual expenditures by candidates, and video recording crucial happenings in constituencies, is a deterrent against any violations of the Model Code of Conduct. The Commission has also ensured the polls to be free from any serious violence and bloodshed, rigging or booth capturing.

Voters turn out has been low (first phase: 48 to 50%, second phase: 44%), in spite of the vigorous voters' mobilisation drive. While a scorching sun at 41 degrees Celsius, the harvesting season, and the Election Commission's stringent regulations may have deterred voters, there may be deeper reasons for voters not showing up.

People seem to have expressed their disapproval of the kind of choices political parties offer them by way of candidates. Why should criminals, non-serious and dysfunctional contestants attract people? People believe that political representatives, no matter from which party, are not really interested in problem solving and development.

Also, uncertainties about the next government and prime minister have created disillusionment among voters. And, finally, the Dalits and Muslims, both hurt by their respective party leaders, have shown less enthusiasm.

This election has not thrown up issues. It was thought that issues of national importance like terrorism, national security, infiltration of Bangladesis from across the border, the nuclear deal, recession, price rise despite the economy inching towards deflation, electoral reforms, corruption, criminalisation etc would be debated and discussed. But the people were in for disappointment. They are craving for parties that will bring substantive issues, clean contestants, and offer good and efficient government.

Uttar Pradesh aroused interest as a laboratory of social engineering experiments by Bahujan Samaj Party leader Mayawati during the 2007 assembly election. People are curious whether she would replicate that again. Her ticket allocation strategy gave an indication: 20 Brahmins, 20 Other Backward Classes, 17 Dalits, 14 Muslims, and 9 other upper castes (6 Thakurs, 2 Vaishyas, 1 Punjabi Khatri). Obviously, the focus is clearly on Brahmins; with just 7.5 percent population, they got 25 percent tickets.

But Brahmin-Dalit rapprochement does not seem to exist on the ground. Brahmins still have a sense of superiority and nurse the idea of helping only Brahmin candidates. Conversely, Mayawati has the potential to transfer Dalit votes to her Brahmin candidates. That makes BSP Brahmins strong contenders.

Muslims have played important role in the BSP's social engineering. Muslims are 18.5 percent strong in UP. In many constituencies, their concentration is even greater. They too are confident of Mayawati's ability to get Dalit votes (21 percent) transferred to them, and that makes the Dalit-Muslim combination formidable. Mayawati has given tickets to 14 Muslims from areas which are Muslim dominant and, hence, their chances of winning are quite bright.

Mayawati's social engineering experiments notwithstanding, Muslims are most likely to vote for Muslim candidates of any party if there is possibility of his winning. Otherwise, they would like to vote for the Congress. However, where the Congress is not in the fight, and they have to choose between the Samajwadi Party and the BSP, they are likely to prefer the BSP.

The reasons are many. One, Samajwadi Party leader Mulayam Singh Yadav's love for Kalyan Singh , the prime accused in the Babri Masjid case, has emotionally hurt the Muslim community; their entire young generation in teens has been raised on Kalyan bashing by Mulayam. By embracing Kalyan, Mulayam and his party have suddenly lost its secular credentials.

Two, Muslims think that voting for the BSP may provide them greater security and better prospects in UP. The way Mayawati swiftly moved in the Varun Gandhi case was clear testimony of this.

Third, Mayawati gave them 14 tickets, equal to their share in the state's population.

But the most important catch is the BSP's potential to ensure the victory of Muslim candidates by getting Dalit votes transferred to them. The proof of this is the 2007 assembly election where the BSP got the largest chunk of 28 Muslims elected to the UP assembly. While Mulayam gives Muslims assurances, Mayawati is offering them a share in power.

The Samajwadi Party strategy has been self-defeating. What went into Mulayam's calculations to befriend Kalyan? Kalyan ensured the BJP's defeat in 36 assembly constituencies in the 2002 assembly election by forming the Rashtriya Kranti Party.

If that was the basis for embracing Kalyan, then Mulayam should have enquired -� i. Did Kalyan get only Lodh (the community to which he belongs) votes in 2002? ii. Will all Lodhs choose Kalyan when there is a choice between the BJP and Kalyan? iii. Will all those Lodhs really go with Kalyan now; iv. Is there no difference between Kalyan's capability in getting Lodh votes transferred to his erstwhile RKP and the SP of Mulayam Singh? vi. Will the gains of Lodhs be offset by the loss of Muslims?

And why Mulayam did fail to work a pre-poll alliance with the Congress? It was he who dashed to the Congress to support it on the nuclear deal when others were deserting it; why was that spirit not kept in working an alliance especially when he knew that he was losing his Muslim constituency fast? The signals are not good for the Samajwadi Party, and it may have to lose a good number of seats.

Is there anything good about the saffron party in UP? Probably yes. So far, the BJP had been completely marginalised in UP politics and has suffered a steady decline after the Babri episode. The BJP has been short of issues and leaders, and suddenly lost contact with people. The Mandir may be an issue of faith to the Hindus of Uttar Pradesh, but they have refused to make it a political issue.

But the BJP has been rescued by other parties. The way non-BJP parties have addressed the secular-communal issue has caused resentment; they have created an impression that to talk Hindu and of Hindu interest is communalism; to talk Muslim and of Muslim interest is secularism!

Playing soft on terrorists, criminals, and anti-national people only because they happen to be Muslim hurts Hindu sentiments and forces them to polarise in the BJP's favour. It can only widen the gulf between Hindus and Muslims.

More, political parties do not hesitate to brand someone as communal if he is with the BJP (Naveen Patnaik, N Chandrababu Naidu , Kalyan Singh etc), but he becomes secular the moment he leaves the BJP! Such double standards about secularism baffle people.

There are also some good signals for the Congress. Muslims are looking to the Congress as an alternative window if the party was really in the race. Unfortunately, the Congress decision to field candidates in most constituencies in Uttar Pradesh came late as a reaction to the formation of the Fourth Front (Mulayam-Lalu Yadav-Ram Vilas Paswan).

No Congressmen anticipated this, so there were no preparations at the grassroots level, and traditional Congressmen had either become indolent or shifted to other parties.

Obviously, there were no serious takers for the Congress tickets, and there is a total wreck of the Congress party organisation at the grassroots level.

The Congress also missed on the Dalits. It realised, though late, that the Dalits were not the BSP's exclusive domain. The party failed to pay early attention to the fact that only 44 percent Dalits were actually voting in UP and about 56 percent were not. The mobilisation of this segment could have totally changed the electoral landscape in Uttar Pradesh.

The Congress initiative to woo Dalits, even if late, has made Mayawati restless, charging in all her campaign speeches that 'by eating with Dalits and spending nights with them, poverty cannot be removed' -- a veiled reference to ridicule Rahul's efforts to woo Dalits.

The Congress efforts to retrieve its erstwhile rainbow character by bringing together Muslims, Dalits and upper castes could change the political climate in Uttar Pradesh in the days to come.

Dr A K Verma teaches politics at the Christ Church College, Kanpur.

SC to hear Varun Gandhi's challenge to NSA booking on Monday

1:59 AM

New Delhi, Apr 13 : The Supreme Court will hear a petition filed by BJP candidate on Monday from Pilibhit Varun Gandhi challenging the slapping of National Security Act (NSA) by the Uttar Pradesh Government against him for his alleged hate speeches.

The matter will be heard by a bench headed by Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan. The Apex court on 2nd of April had issued notices to the state government and the District Magistrate of Pilibhit on the allegation by Varun that NSA was invoked against him with a political motive to sabotage his electoral debut.

However, the Uttar Pradesh government has refuted the allegations of Varun Gandhi, saying NSA was invoked against him for his communal speeches and the chaos created by him while surrendering before a court in Pilibhit in in connection with the cases registered against him.

No govt at Centre possible without SP, RJD, LJP'

8:59 AM

SAIFAI (UP), Apr 9 : In their first show of strength in Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad and Ram Vilas Paswan on Thursday addressed a joint rally in Saifai, claiming that the next government at the Centre cannot be formed without them. ( Watch )

Addressing the public meeting here, also his home town, SP supremo Mulayam Singh said, "No government at the Centre is possible without the three parties."

RJD chief Lalu Prasad said "Three brothers have come together, not only to win Lok Sabha elections, but also to fight communalism...we will show our strength in the cow belt."

Thanking Mulayam Singh for SP's support to the UPA government during the trust vote in July, Prasad said "had the SP not been there, the government would not have survived."

Taking a dig at political rivals, the RJD chief said when the three parties came together, some people in Delhi and Uttar Pradesh "got scared" as they were not expecting the new alliance to come through.

Attacking Congress, Prasad said "Congress wants to strengthen its organization and not win elections in Bihar and UP."

Paswan, the Lok Janshakti Party supremo, claimed that he and Lalu "were standing like rocks" to support Mulayam Singh. "No one can separate us," he asserted.

Attacking the BJP, Paswan said "They (BJP) can only demolish, not construct anything." He was referring to the demolition of the Babri mosque.

Lalu also used the opportunity to target the saffron party and its leader L K Advani. "He wants to be the Prime Minister. But he cannot...People claim I know magic as I can predict the future," he said.

He said the NDA was disintegrating with BJD, AIADMK and National Conference deserting it. "They implemented POTA, but we removed it (POTA ko sota mar kar khatma kiya)".

Paswan said Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati has done little for the poor. "Elephant (BSP's election symbol) is meant for the rich and not the poor," he said.

The three regional political satraps are scheduled to address three more election rallies. The second rally will be held in Bareilly to cover the Ruhailkand area. Two other rallies will be held in Varanasi and Gorakhpur, two prominent cities of east UP which is also known as Purvanchal.

This is for the first time in nearly a decade that the three cow belt leaders have addressed a rally jointly.

Similar joint rallies have been planned for Bihar in the coming days.

BJP embarks on mission 'Save Varun'

6:25 AM

SAFFRON WAVE: Varun Gandhi was moved from Pilibhit to Etah last week.

Lucknow, Apr 6 : Bharatiya Janata Party president Rajnath Singh will on Monday visit Uttar Pradesh's Etah jail where the party's Pilibhit candidate Varun Gandhi is behind bars for his alleged inflammatory campaign speeches.

BJP workers will also demonstrate against the Mayawati-led state government for invoking the stringent National Security Act against Varun Gandhi, who was moved from Pilibhit to Etah last week.

After meeting Varun Gandhi, Rajnath Singh will address a public meeting in Etah, 300 km from the state capital, party workers said.

"Our national president will arrive in Etah Monday afternoon to protest the illegal detention of our young leader Varun Gandhi and the autocratic ways of functioning of the Mayawati government," BJP leader H N Dixit said.

Earlier, several party leaders, including M Venkaiah Naidu, Kalraj Mishra and BJP state president Ramapati Ram Tripathi, had met Varun Gandhi.

During his Etah visit, Rajnath is also expected to target BJP's rebel Kalyan Singh, who has announced that he would contest the Lok Sabha elections from the seat.

Former Uttar Pradesh chief secretary, husband join BJP

9:28 AM

Ghaziabad, March 29 : Former Uttar Pradesh chief secretary Neera Yadav Sunday joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) here along with her husband former state minister Mahendra Singh Yadav and about 250 Samajwadi Party workers.

Neera Yadav joined the party at a rally in Vaishali here in the presence of BJP president Raj Nath Singh. Mahendra Singh Yadav, a former police officer, had earlier resigned from the BJP and joined the Samajwadi Party.

Neera Yadav, in her speech, said she had joined the BJP as she believed in the party’s policies.

A controversial 1971-batch officer of the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Neera Yadav was the chief secretary from April 30, 2005, to October 6, 2005. She was removed from the top post after a Supreme Court directive as she was accused of corruption in the allotment of plots in Noida.

After that, she was appointed agriculture production commissioner. She took voluntary retirement after she was removed from the chairmanship of the IAS Association.

Mahendra Singh Yadav said that he had committed a mistake by joining the Samajwadi Party and was rectifying it by coming back to the BJP.

NDA divided over Varun issue, BJP stands by him

6:58 AM

New Delhi, Mar 25 The NDA was divided over the Varun Gandhi issue with a key ally and JD(U) leader Nitish Kumar favouring legal action against the BJP member for the hate speeches while another partner Shiv Sena found"nothing wrong"and rallied around him.

Confronted with the controversy, the BJP stood by Gandhi and brooked no interference on how the party handles the matter and said it was finally its decision whether or not to field him for the Lok Sabha elections. Gandhi is BJP&aposs nominee for Pilibhit in Uttar Pradesh.

"As a political worker and a resident, this is my clear opinion that legal action should be taken against him (Gandhi). I feel he cannot escape the legal action in fact,"Kumar, Chief Minister of Bihar, told reporters in New Delhi when asked to comment on the the Allahabad High Court order dismissing Gandhi&aposs petition seeking quashing of an FIR filed against him in connection with the controversial speeches made in Pilibhit earlier this month.

"If anybody who is in politics and in public life. Makes such statements, there is a law and action should be taken according to it. Action as per law should take place on such people," Kumar said.

Shiv Sena&aposs view was outlined by its supremo Bal Thackaray who said in party mouthpiece&aposSaamana'," There is nothing wrong in what he has said. He is one Gandhi we like." Gandhi also reportedly thanked Thackeray for his support.

Uttar Pradesh: Notification for first phase of five LS election to be issued tomorrow

4:59 AM

LUCKNOW - The notification for the first phase of five phase Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh will be issued on Monday.

A total of sixteen parliamentary segments will go for poll in this phase.

The chief Electoral officer of the state Anuj Kumar Bishnoi has reviewed the poll arrangements of several districts in video conferencing.

He has directed strict implementations of model code of conduct and fool-proof security arrangements during the electioneering and on the day of polling.

Candidates may file their nomination papers till March 30.

Constituencies which will go for poll in first phase are Bansgaon, Gorakhpur, Maharajganj, Kushinagar, Deoria, Salempur, Ballia, Ghosi, Azamgarh, Lalganj, Machhlishahr, Ghazipur, Chandauli, Varanasi, Roberstganj and Mirzapur spread in thirteen districts of four divisions of Azamgarh, Vindhyachal, Gorakhpur and Varanasi.

BJP releases name of four more candidates for UP

6:37 AM

NEW DELHI: BJP has released the names of four more candidates from Uttar Pradesh for the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections.

Sharad Tripathi, son of UP state unit chief Ramapati Ram Tripathi, will be contesting from Sant Kabir Nagar. Satish Mahana (Kanpur), Ram Iqbal Singh (Ghosi) and Arun Tiwari 'Baba' (Akbarpur) are the other three candidates.

The party is likely to declare candidates for the seven Lok Sabha seats of Delhi.

SP-Congress evolves tacit understanding to defeat BSP,BJP

2:37 AM

Lucknow, Mar 9 : The formal alliance between the Congress and Samajwadi Party may have fizzled out but there would be a 'tacit' understanding between the two in the coming Lok Sabha polls in Uttar Pradesh.

An informal agreement in this regard has been reached between the two parties as they were of the common view that the corrupt BSP and the communal BJP should be stopped from reaching the Centre, highly placed Congress sources told UNI here today.

''There is no heart burn between the two parties even as the alliance failed and we have decided to contest under a strategy to defeat the BSP and BJP candidates in the fray,'' sources said.

The SP, which has already announced 71 out of a total of 80 candidates from the state, had put the candidates in such a way that the BSP and BJP did not get any lead in the polls, a top UP Congress leader said.

''Congress will support strong SP candidates in any constitunecy by fielding a comparatively weak candidate and vice-versa,'' he said.

Citing example of Bareilly Lok sabha seat, the Congress leader pointed out that the candidature of SP's Bhagwat Sharan Gangwar was clearly aimed at defeating rather strong BJP candidate Santosh Gangwar and strengthening Congress candidate Pravin Singh Airon.

Admitting that the Kalyan Singh factor was the main stumbling block in the alliance negotiations, the Congress sources said ''declaration of Mr Kalayan Singh's support without taking the Congress into confidence was a no-no from us.'' The Congress has always expressed its reservation over former BJP leader and Ayodhya mascot Kalyan Singh's support to the SP. The Congress general secretary and incharge of UP affairs Digvijay Singh was candid in his observations that even in case of an alliance with SP, the Congress would never share dias with Mr Singh, who is guilty of the Babri demolition on December 6, 1992.

Indian Lok Sabha Elections 2009 - The Complete Schedule

6:01 AM

New Delhi, Mar 2 : With the Indian Election Commission announcing poll dates for the forthcoming General Elections in five phases from April 16 to May 13, 2009, the political scene of the country has gone on live wire.

While Jammu & Kashmir and Uttar Pradesh will have elections in five phases, Bihar will have elections in four phases. Assembly elections will be held simultaneously in Orissa, Andhra Pradesh and Sikkim. In addition, by-elections will be held in By-elections in seven assembly seats - Nagaland (4), Jharkhand (1), Karnakta (1), and Mizoram (1).

Counting of the votes will take place on May 16. The election process will be completed by May 28 and the 15th Lok Sabha will constituted before June 02, 2009.

Here's the complete schedule of General Elections 2009 in each Indian states and Union Territories:

First Phase Elections (April 16): 124 Seats

States and UTs to go into Polls on April 16 - J&K, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhatisgarh, Kerala, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Arunachal, Jharkhand, Orissa, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Lakshwadeep.

Second Phase Elections (April 23): 141 Seats

States and UTs to go into Polls on April 23: J&K, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Karnataka, Jharkhand, Orissa,
Goa, Tripura, and Manipur (April 22).

Third Phase Elections (April 30): 107 Seats

States and UTs to go into Polls on April 30: J&K, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Sikkim, Dadar and Nagar Haveli, and Daman and Diu.

Fourth Phase Elections (May 07): 85 Seats

States and UTs to go into Polls on May 07: J&K, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, Haryana, Delhi, Punjab, and Rajasthan.

Fifth Phase Elections (May 13): 86 Seats

States and UTs to go into Polls on May 13: J&K, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Uttarakhand. Puducherry, and Chandigarh.

By-election for Bhadohi assembly seat on Feb 26

3:15 AM

LUCKNOW: The Election Commission of India issued a notification for by-election to fill the casual vacancies in the legislative assemblies of Meghalaya, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal on Monday.

The model code of conduct will come into play with immediate effect. In UP, the reserved seat of Bhadohi is lying vacant following the death of the Bahujan Samajwadi Party MLA, Archana Saroj, who died after a prolonged illness recently.

As per the schedule announced, the process for nominations would begin soon after notifications. The last date for making nominations is February 9.

The entries will be scrutinised by the state election commission on February 10. The last date for withdrawal of candidature is February 12. Polling for the seat will take place on February 26, 2009.

Votes will be counted on March 1. The deadline for completion of the by-election process is March 5.