New Delhi: Union Minister for Railways Mamata Banerjee presented the Rail Budget 2010-11 for next fiscal in Lok Sabha today. The Rail budget 2010-11 laid special focus on PSU’s network expansion, while keeping the freight rates intact. Mamata’s speech emphasized on social responsibility, laying emphasized on her commitment to the “aam admi”. Confirming that Railway will not be privatized, she appealed the business houses to join hands for building partnership.
Mamata introduced a futuristic 10 year project called Vision 2020 aimed at modernizing railway network. According to Railway minister a special task force would be set up for early disposal of the projects.
The Railway Minister vowed “I prefer social responsibility to economic responsibility,”
Here are some salient features of Railway budget 2010 addressing the needs of aam admi

• Village panchayats, hospitals and court would have a e-ticket counter. A railway counter might also be set up at the office of the District Magistrate.
• Ensuring safety measures a ”chowkidaar” would be placed at every railway crossing in the next five years
• Rs 1302 crores would be spent for the safety of passengers
• Multilayer parking and cheap drinking water
• 117 of 120 new trains to be flagged off in current fiscal
• 6 bottling plants to supply water to Railways
• Promises cleanliness ad better amenities on train

New Delhi, Feb. 24 : Parliament was adjourned over the price rise issue after the government did not concede the Opposition’s demand for a discussion under rules that allow voting.
Both Houses were adjourned for the day as Opposition members from the BJP, Shiv Sena and Left, as well as the Samajwadi Party and RJD, rushed to the Wells raising anti-government slogans.
While the Opposition demanded the admission of an adjournment motion on the price rise issue in the Lok Sabha, they wanted a debate under a rule that allows voting in the Rajya Sabha. The government is in a minority in the Upper House.
Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj, who was introduced by Speaker Meira Kumar on Tuesday, said an adjournment motion would reflect the seriousness of the price rise issue. Refuting Ms Swaraj’s plea, parliamentary affairs minister Pawan Kumar Bansal said, "We are ready to discuss any issue on the floor of the House but the rules do not permit an adjournment motion on price rise."
Rejecting Mr Bansal’s offer of a discussion under Rule 193, Ms Swaraj said several debates in the 14th Lok Sabha had failed to have the desired effect on the government. There was an uproar when Mr Bansal said state governments were primarily responsible for implementing laws like the Essential Commodities Act and those relating to the public distribution system (PDS) and hoarding of food items to control price rise. SP and RJD members rushed to the Well while the Left and BJP members stood up in protest.
Speaker Meira Kumar tried to pacify the agitated Opposition but had to adjourn the House twice, till noon the first time and later for the day. Ms Kumar lamented that the House could not take up the debate on price rise and said the issue affected the common man. "I wanted that the House to discuss the matter. But proceedings were disrupted over the rule under which the debate should take place. Disrupting the House over the rule, and not debating the subject, also dismays the public. I hope in future all respected members and leaders of parties will ensure smooth functioning of the House," the Speaker said outside Parliament.
"Price rise is an issue that has put people in distress and (they) want a solution to it. It is, therefore, the responsibility of Parliament to debate the subject and deliberate on ways to find a solution," she said. The Speaker said she was "concerned" because deliberations on the topic could not take place. "The discussion on the rule could not be completed," she added.
While RJD MP Raghuvansh Prasad Singh expressed concern on the issue out of turn, SP leader Mulayam Singh Yadav said price rise was a serious challenge. He said a large number of people will not be able to celebrate the coming festival of Holi due to the high prices of food items.
The Rajya Sabha witnessed an adjournment barely after 15 minutes after it assembled for the day. It was later adjourned for the day. Though the Rajya Sabha was to take up the issue as a short duration discussion, as decided in the business advisory committee on Monday, the Opposition said the issue affected the common man and the government had failed to check rising prices. A "sense of the House" was needed to ascertain the gravity of the situation arising from spiralling prices of essential commodities, said the Opposition.
Soon after JD(U) member Anil Kumar Sahani took the oath as a new member of the Upper House, the entire Opposition was on its feet seeking a discussion under a rule that entails voting. The Leader of the Opposition in the Upper House, Mr Arun Jaitley (BJP), said the BJP had given two notices — one for the suspension of Question Hour to take up the issue, and the second for a discussion under Rules 167 and 168, a demand rejected by the Treasury benches. The BJP was joined by other NDA members as well as members of the Left parties, RJD and Samajwadi Party in demanding a discussion under Rules 167 and 168.
But Rajya Sabha Chairman Hamid Ansari said there was a consensus to have discussion but not on the procedure. An unsatisfied Opposition got to its feet seeking a discussion under Rules 167 and 168. Dr Ansari adjourned the House till noon.
When the House re-assembled, the Opposition persisted with its demand for a discussion entailing voting, leading to deputy chairman K. Rahman Khan adjourning the Upper House for the day.
After both Houses were adjourned for the day, Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari said, "The government has never run away from discussion, nor will it ever do so. The UPA government has been very sensitive on the issue of price rise and has taken constructive steps to mitigate the woes of the people following the drought."
Reacting to the Opposition demand, he said Parliament runs under well established rules and the parliamentary affairs minister had already made clear that what the Opposition wants is not permissible under the rules.
Accusing the Opposition of politicising the price rise issue, Mr Tewari asked how many Opposition MPs were present in the House in the Winter Session last year when a discussion was taking place on price rise and agriculture minister Sharad Pawar was giving his reply. "They (Opposition) are trying to complicate matters. The motion of thanks on the President’s address entails voting. The Budget also entails voting after a discussion on the micro-economic situation of the country," said Mr Tewari, adding, "The rules are time-tested. All the government is saying is bring the motion in the prescribed rules and it will accept them."

Last summer, the distinguished Indian politician Jaswant Singh was expelled from his party for the crime of writing a book. Leaders of the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) said Mr Singh’s book on Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was simply too “painful” because of its take on the history of Partition and the perceived sympathy towards Jinnah.

The BJP has always put its view of Indian history front and centre, but the party has been in disarray after two consecutive losses in national elections and bitter internal squabbling. With the recent selection of Nitin Gadkari as the youngest leader in the party’s history, it is trying to regain its electoral strength by changing its image – and arguably the core of its political identity.

@body arnhem:The BJP came into national government on the back of the destruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya in 1992 and the communal riots which followed. But, like Mr Singh, senior leaders have not always followed the Hindu nationalist line and have been strongly criticised by its ideological base based on what they believe is historical fact. The former party leader, Lal Krishna Advani, was severely weakened and almost forced to resign after he referred to Jinnah as a secular individual.

Communal politics has always been important to the BJP’s view of the world. But identity is an ideological rallying point that throws a wrench into the ability of any party to effectively govern India since modern politics is built on coalitions involving minority parties at the state and national levels.

There have been attempts to build support within minority populations. BJP strategists have consistently pointed out that 56 years of Congress rule have brought no significant gains for Muslims in India. In recent statements, Mr Gadkari has tried to build bridges with Muslim communities by making conciliatory statements and allusions to a common heritage.

In light of the 2002 Gujarat riots, and the alleged complicity of the BJP state administration, it is unlikely many Muslims are willing to listen. Mr Gadkari’s continued defence of Narendra Modi, the controversial chief minister of Gujarat, makes many believe that his words ring hollow. Other minority populations, such as lower castes and tribals, are also wary of attempts to woo them. To them, the BJP comes across as a party based on an elite Brahminical culture, which it confuses for a national Indian identity.

The other major lesson learnt by the BJP has been that far-reaching growth and development have become very important in Indian politics. Many in the BJP remember how their message of “India Shining” contributed to their downfall at the polls in 2004. This message was considered to be an elitist view of the country which ignored the dismal conditions faced by the majority of Indians who live in poverty.

The success of Congress in winning rural voters by promising more equitable development has changed how political parties are seen by Indians. Rural development and poverty alleviation have returned to the forefront of Indian politics after a period when more attention was paid to the growing middle class and technology sector. It is also a testament to the development of Indian democracy that the poor and the politically disempowered have been able to shift the national discourse to issues of their own survival.

Among Mr Gadkari’s first statements after winning the party presidency was that his top priority would be socio-political reforms that aided poor people and addressed the epidemic of farmer suicides. It was a clear appeal meant to expand BJP support in the rural hinterlands.

The main thrust of the current strategy has been to campaign as a centre-right rather than communal political party. By a more moderate approach and abandoning some of its more controversial positions, the BJP is trying to to appeal to not only the electorate but prospective coalition partners.

The problem will be convincing its opponents that it’s more than a façade on top of a still hardline communal party that promotes violence. The first BJP national government, despite coming to power because of the Ayodhya incident, appeared to govern as a centre-right party. Opponents argue that the government still tried to change the educational curriculum to reflect the historical beliefs of the party and its ideological foundations.

More recently, the handling of riots in Gujarat also reflect not-so-hidden undercurrents in the party. A little-known aspect of those riots was that tribal and lower caste groups, who have been traditionally uninvolved in communal riots, found themselves as part of the mob. Opponents allege that the radicalisation of these groups was a direct consequence of the BJP’s appeal to divisive communal politics.

Biased versions of history are a problem throughout the subcontinent. The recent execution of the assassins of Bangladesh’s founder, Pakistan’s struggle to balance the religious and secular, and the BJP’s attempt to rebrand itself all trace back to interpretations of history. Even as India keeps moving forward, the past seems to overshadow the present, especially the BJP.

Talha Aquil has worked as a financial services consultant and a political risk analyst specialising in South Asia

GUWAHATI, Feb 24 – Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) today alleged that Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi has been trying to avoid a Central Bureau of Investigation enquiry into the North Cachar Hills scam only to shield the seven corrupt members of his Cabinet. It also asserted that the Chief Minister would have to assume responsibility for all the financial irregularities taking place in the State since 2001 as he is holding the Finance portfolio.

In a statement here, AGP president Chandra Mohan Patowary alleged that the Chief Minister has been trying to hush up the NC Hills corruption cases by refusing to engage the CBI in the investigation into the recently unearthed scam. This is despite an instruction from the Central Government.

Alleging that the Ministers of the Gogoi Cabinet have been amassing stunning amounts of asset, Patowary dared the Chief Minister to make public the assets and liabilities of the members of his Cabinet.

Patowary also reminded the Chief Minister that his party was in power in the autonomous council of the Hills district for most part of the time since 2004 when the scam started.

By P.C. Alexander

Feb.24 : Some of the recent decisions taken by the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government and the Congress, the main political party leading the coalition, have come in for sharp criticism — that certain healthy principles that must be observed by the ruling party in a parliamentary democracy have been sacrificed in order to retain power in some states. The UPA and the Congress has also been criticised for setting bad precedents.

In this context, two decisions deserve special attention. The first is the tolerance shown by the UPA to D.D. Lapang, the chief minister of Meghalaya, who elevated three other politicians to the rank and status of chief minister. The second is the turn around on the public announcement by Union home minister P. Chidambaram on behalf of the Union Cabinet on December 9, 2009, that the process for the formation of a separate state of Telangana would be initiated on the introduction and passage of a separate resolution in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly. Let us examine the impact of these two decisions on the concept of principled politics in our democracy.
Meghalaya is one of the smallest states of India. In its 60-member Assembly, the Congress-led coalition has 37 MLAs, of whom 28 belong to the Congress. The state already has two deputy chief ministers, for which there can be little justification except that it would help prevent dissidence in the party. However, conferring the rank of chief minister on three more MLAs — with all the perks which go with this designation, like cars, security, personal staff, bungalow etc — can only be described as a shameless attempt to silence the chief minister’s rivals who are clamoring for power.
As the leader of the coalition running the government, the Congress should have firmly rejected a blatantly unjustified proposal like this from Dr Lapang, but it seems that the main concern of the Congress was to retain its ministerial chairs at any cost. One of the four people with the rank of chief minister is state Congress president Friday Lyngdoh! It is unfortunate that the Congress has chosen to justify this unprincipled arrangement by stating that the executive power remains with Dr Lapang while the other three have only protocol privileges and perks that come with the office. The danger in resorting to this type of compromise is that it sets a precedent for other states in similar situations.

NOW LET me turn to the latest decision of the UPA government to constitute a committee under the chairmanship of Justice Srikrishna whose terms of reference allow reopening the whole issue of a separate Telangana state. Clause I of the terms of reference announced for the committee on February 3, 2010, defines the committee’s duty as “examining the situation in the state of Andhra Pradesh with reference to the demand for a separate state of Telangana as well as the demand for maintaining the present status of a united Andhra Pradesh”.
The reason given for the appointment of the Srikrishna Committee is that there is no consensus among the members of Andhra Pradesh’s Legislative Assembly on the bill for a separate state of Telangana. But the Centre should have known this when it announced its decision to initiate action for the formation of a separate state of Telangana. A week after its announcement, 147 legislators and many members of Parliament from the coastal districts and Rayalaseema submitted their resignations. The UPA panicked about losing power in Andhra Pradesh and on December 23, 2009, announced that no action would be taken until all parties arrive at a consensus. The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) and other parties agitating for a separate state of Telangana saw this as another instance of national parties’ shifting their stand on the Telangana issue.
Without going into the merits of the stand taken by the Telangana people and the people of the rest of Andhra Pradesh, let us examine the legal correctness of the stand now taken by the Congress-led UPA about the need for a consensus on the Telangana issue. Article 3 of the Constitution, which lays down the procedure for creating new states, does not state that concurrence of the majority in state Assembly is a necessary condition for it. It only states that the state Assembly may express its views on the proposed legislation for the formation of a new state within such a period as may be specified by the President.
Before taking any decision on the creation of new states the President will, of course, seek the advice of the council of ministers and, hence, the ruling party, or coalition, at the Centre will be the real decision-making body. In spite of this, the UPA does not want to take the risk of losing power in the coastal and Rayalaseema regions.
If the Centre thinks that it can buy time till the Srikrishna Committee submits its recommendations, then they are mistaken because their new stand will be seen by the people as an attempt to avoid its responsibilities. A decision on formation of a new state is essentially a political decision and the party in power at the Centre cannot avoid it. It can try to delay it, though that can, especially in situations like the present one in Andhra Pradesh, prove to be very costly. A sad feature of the committee’s task is that mass protests and violence indulged in by supporters of both sides will deprive it of the tension-free atmosphere badly needed for its smooth working.
While protests and demonstrations are intensifying tension in Andhra Pradesh, various far-fetched suggestions have been emerging from politicians and academics about finding a via media between the demands of the Telangana people and of the other regions in the state. One such suggestion is creating a state of Telangana in a way that Hyderabad remains the capital of both Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.
This solution can hardly satisfy the aspirations of those who have been agitating ever since Independence, and even before that, for a separate identity through a full-fledged state. If by any chance the suggestion of a state within a state is implemented, there will be demands for similar arrangements from other regions as well. Such solutions apart from distorting the concept of federalism will create several new problems. The decision-makers should be careful that in finding a solution for today’s problems, they do not create new ones for tomorrow.

**P.C. Alexander is a former governor of Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra

he government must fix the mineral policy to enable vibrant growth of the mining industry

Ajit Ranade

At least three states have been in the throes of crises arising out of mining deals. In Jharkhand, there are questions about transparency in the grant of dozens of mining leases. In Orissa, a public interest litigation has asked the Supreme Court to stop blatant flouting of mining lease rules. The apex court appointed a Central Empowered Committee (CEC) to look into the irregularities. In its preliminary findings, the CEC described the situation as a “can of worms”. In Karnataka, there was a major political crisis — the ruling party had a near split over charges of illegal mining in Bellary. A fourth state, Andhra Pradesh, has its own mining woes, with opposition politicians gearing up to make illegal mining a major issue.

This sudden outbreak of lawlessness in the mining industry is actually symptomatic of a deeper malaise. Although all the cases cited above relate to the mining of iron ore, which is linked with steel production, the story is about a larger issue of Centre-state relationship, and whether in the case of mining it has become dysfunctional. India is a country blessed with mineral riches, but those underground riches have not produced much prosperity for the states where these mineral deposits reside. Those states have among the poorest record in human development. India also has a unique four-way conjunction. Most of the mineral-rich areas are also homeland to adivasis (tribals), have water bodies below, and have precious dense forest cover above. Hence, untangling these issues wouldn’t be easy even if there were no other complications. There are indeed complications arising out of unsatisfactory resolution of the four-way conflict. This becomes a fertile breeding ground for the scourge of Naxalism. But the backwardness of these regions is not merely the consequence of the “curse of resources”, an oft-cited economic law. It is due to the interplay of muddled policy framework, strong vested interests opposed to reforms and unimaginable delays in decision-making and implementation. In the world of mining, decisions are measured in geological time. For example, an application for a mining lease with a state government can take anywhere from a couple of years to 40 (!) years to be even opened. Even renewal of mining leases, which presumably should be an uncomplicated process, can take ages. For example, the Steel Authority of India had to wait 12 years for its lease to be renewed. In fact, the controversy in Orissa has arisen because of charges that delays in lease renewals were used as loopholes to flout mining rules.

Except for crude oil, copper ore, sulphur and uranium, India has significant quantities of most minerals. The mining sector has been open to 100 per cent foreign direct investment for almost a decade.

Hence, we should have seen a lot of investment and technology pouring into mine development, reconnaissance, prospecting and mineral production. Yet there are hardly any takers. Foreign mining giants complain about lack of transparency and, most of all, inordinate delays in getting lease permits. Iron ore mining represents the toughest arena for policy clarity. The prime minister appointed a committee under Planning Commission member Anwar ul Hoda in 2005 to suggest comprehensive reform in mineral policy. The Hoda Committee report is the basis for reform of mineral policy in the country. But it has not yet led to a comprehensive reform legislation or simplification of regulation.

Meanwhile, the amended Mines and Minerals Development and Regulation Act (MMDRA) is in the public domain for discussion and feedback. It is likely to be tabled in Parliament in the current budget session. The draft Bill has already led to a heated exchange between the mines and steel ministry. The new policy aims to give greater autonomy to states, but the steel ministry fears that states will grant iron ore mining leases only on condition of putting up steel plants. This is disguised steel licensing. However, any attempt to centralise mining policy is seen as infringement on the state’s autonomy. (Look what happened in sugarcane!). Moreover, there is no consensus on whether state boundaries should be respected for value-addition norms. Can you take ore from one state, and put up an industry in another?

The central issue is that mining lease, i.e. access to the land is the state’s prerogative, whereas the mining rights, i.e. access to the mineral beneath is the Centre’s prerogative. The process of getting a lease and a licence can take years. Big projects like AreclorMittal and Posco have been stuck for years in this lease-and-rights circular gridlock, made worse by problems of land acquisition. After more than hundred years, India’s annual production of steel is barely 50 million tonnes, and much of this growth happened in the past 20 years. By contrast, in 50 years, Australia’s proven iron ore deposits have grown hundred-fold. India opened up its mining sector for hundred per cent foreign direct investment more than 10 years ago.

Among the minerals, coal has a place of distinction since it is linked with energy security. Hence, coal mining is still a public sector monopoly. But we can’t hide the fact that despite being the world’s third-biggest depository of coal, we import more than 10 per cent of our consumption. And this trend is rising. Further, one-third of all industrial power is produced by captive power units. We have been unable to eliminate power shortages even though our endowment of coal should have enabled us to meet our power requirement. The reform needed is to have a transparent mechanism to allot coal blocks to legitimate end-users in an efficient manner. The government has indicated that it prefers to auction coal blocks to ensure efficiency and transparency. This is welcome so long as non-serious players and speculators are kept away. What needs to be kept in mind is that lower cost of coal translates into lower cost of electricity, a publicly regulated utility.

Mineral and mining policy reform in India is long overdue. This reform should not be held hostage to unending debates over captive versus merchant mining of iron ore or coal, or states’ versus Centre’s right to allot leases. What we need is transparency in pricing of mining assets, and drastically cutting down the red tape. There are other equally serious and knotty issues apart from pricing. These relate to environmental clearance, rehabilitation of affected communities and land acquisition. But unless this Gordian knot is cut with a firm blade of reforms, what lies beneath will remain there, and no prosperity can be unlocked from that buried treasure.

The Election Commission today said elections would be held on March 26 to fill 13 vacancies that will be caused in the Rajya Sabha by the retirement of members in April, including Union Ministers A K Antony and Anand Sharma.

These include five seats in Punjab, three in Kerala, two in Assam and one each in Himachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Tripura.

In Punjab, there were willbe two separate elections, one for three seats and another for two, because they belong to two different biennial cycles.

The notification for these elections will be issued on March 9 and the last date for filing of nominations will be March 16. Counting of votes will be taken up at 5.00 pm on March 26, the day of polling, and the results are expected the same day.

Apart from Mr Antony from Kerala and Mr Sharma from Himachal Pradesh, Union Minister for Youth Affairs and Sports M S Gill's term will also end in April.

The others whose terms are ending in April are: Mr Silvius Condpan, Ms Syeda Anwara Taimur (Assam), Mr P V V Abdul Wahab, Mr A Vijaya Raghavan (Kerala), Mr Khekiho Zhimomi (Nagaland), Mr Matilal Sarkar (Tripura), Mr Ashwani Kumar, Mr Naresh Gujral, Mr Dharam Pal and Mr Varinder Singh (Punjab).

The Election Commission will also hold a bye-election to the Rajya Sabha from Uttar Pradesh on the same day to fill up the vacancy caused by the death of former Union Minister and Samajwadi Party leader Janeshwar Mishra on January 22. In the normal course, his term of office would have expired on April 2, 2012.

GUWAHATI, Feb 21 : Members and leaders of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) today staged a sit-in demonstration in front of the Raj Bhavan in Guwahati demanding immediate dismissal of the Tarun Gogoi-led Government in the State and punishment to those involved in the multi-crore-rupee NC Hills scam. An 18-member delegation of the party also submitted a memorandum to the Governor and sent another to the President of India through the Governor seeking her intervention in the scam.

Talking to newsmen after meeting the Governor, AGP chief spokesman Atul Bora said: “The Governor assured us of explaining the NC Hills scam to the President in details. He also said that he would exercise all powers under him under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution for peace and development in NC Hills. The Governor further assured us of forming regional councils for regional development through decentralization of power. He said that he would not compromise on any ultra-politician nexus.”

Bora said the AGP would stage demonstration in New Delhi on February 25 and meet the Prime Minister and the President on the NC Hills scam.

Guwahati, Feb 20 : Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi today said he has shot off a letter to a national weekly on his government's position regarding a report alleging involvement of seven state ministers in a Rs 1,000-crore scam and threatened it of legal action.

"I have already sent a letter to the magazine and if they do not publish it, I will take legal action against them since the fabricated report was aimed at maligning the state government," Gogoi told reporters here.
Noting that his government had extended cooperation to the National Investigation Agency while it was probing the scam, he said "I have not recieved the NIA report but I have asked the Centre to give the report to me at the earliest.
No central ministry has so far asked me to initiate action against any of my minister. I will myself order that the ministers be issued charge sheets if their names are mentioned in the report," Gogoi said.
Chidambaram had grilled him on the alleged involvement of the ministers, Gogoi said, "there is no question of him grilling me but in the last chief ministers' meeting on internal security, he had congratulated me on improving the law and order situation in the state."
The weekly magazine in its February 7 issue had carried a report alleging that the names of seven Assam ministers, a Congress MP, MLA and a former governor have been mentioned in the NIA's report on misuse of development fund for the North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council (NCHAC).

GUWAHATI, Feb 20 : The State unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) today threatened an all out campaign against the State Government on the issue of embezzlement of NC Hills Autonomous Council money worth Rs 1,000 crore.

It has also demanded resignation of Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi on moral grounds after the exposure of involvement of Ministers, bureaucrats and others made by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on the scam.

Further, the party said, the UPA Government at the Centre should also take steps to dismiss the State Government after the NIA exposure.

In a statement here, BJP State spokesman Kulendra Daulagupu said that his party would raise the issue in the Parliament, Assembly and court, besides taking it to the streets. The scam has emerged as one of the biggest cases of embezzlement of public money in the country, Daulagupu said.

Daulagupu has also called for steps against Lt Gen Ajai Singh the then Governor of the State for his alleged involvement in the scam.

GUWAHATI, Feb 18 : The AGP today demanded of the State Government to arrest the seven ministers whose names figured in the report of the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on the Rs 1,000-crore scam in NC Hills and send them to jail. The main opposition party in the State also demanded of the State Government to resign by owning moral responsibility for its failure to prevent the siphoning of the massive amount of funds that formed part of development projects meant for North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council (NCHAC) between 2004 and 2009.

Talking to newsmen here today, AGP president Chandra Mohan Patowary said the party will raise the demand for the arrest of the seven Assam ministers in Parliament during the coming Budget session. “We will take help of other anti-Congress national parties to ensure resignation of the Congress-BPF Government in Assam,” he added.

Patowary said: “We have been maintaining over the years that the Congress government in the State has links with extremists but the government hushed it up successfully. The RK Manisana Singh Commission also made mention of politician-militant nexus in NC Hills but the Gogoi Government didn’t pay any heed to it, thereby giving a protective shield to his corrupt Cabinet colleagues. The NIA, however, unearthed the truth.”

Patowary said when the AGP had brought it to the notice of the State Government that the prime accused of Dhemaji blast had got a SIM card from a close relative of a Congress minister, Gogoi overlooked the matter. “The report that the State Government didn’t permit the NIA to interrogate the seven ministers has proved it beyond doubt that Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi made an attempt to prevent the NIA from exposing the misdeeds of his Cabinet colleagues,” Patowary said, and added: “If Gogoi is honest enough to hold such a high post, he should exhibit transparency in dealing with The Week  revelation.”

Patowary further said that the AGP would move the Prime Minister and request him to ask the NIA to issue a supplementary charge-sheet including the names of the seven ministers also in it.

In a separate press meet, AIUDF president Badruddin Ajmal demanded a CBI inquiry as to why the names of the seven ministers that were in the NIA report went missing in the NIA charge-sheet. “It is certain that there was political pressure, and that needs to be probed by the CBI,” Ajmal said, and added that the Gogoi government should step down immediately.

While Assam CPI secretary Bhogeswar Dutta said the seven ministers should be removed from the Cabinet immediately, State BJP spokesman Kulendu Daulagopu said the corrupt practices of the Congress had been exposed.

Shikha Mukerjee

In West Bengal, politics is now about symbolism

The banality of the gestures that serve as a substitute for substantive political signals reveals a shocking contempt for the aam admi’s common sense. Whereas Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi’s train ride in Mumbai delivered a political challenge to the Shiv Sena, there is absolutely no substance in managed meetings with set agendas, be it the visit of Home Minister P Chidambaram to Writers’ Building or the visit of Congress leaders to Ms Mamata Banerjee’s house.

The pity is that the Chidambaram meeting turned into a performance instead of delivering a purposeful message to the Maoists. Part of the reason was perhaps Mr Chidambaram’s need to reassure Ms Banerjee that he, at least publicly, did not buy the West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s story that the Trinamool Congress was in cahoots with the Maoists. In the first place, why did Mr Chidambaram need to deliver a disclaimer on Ms Banerjee’s behalf? Why ought his disclaimer be taken any more seriously than that of Ms Banerjee? Why address the issue at all, when the agenda was to device a coordination strategy for four States — West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar and Orissa?

If the visit had everything to do with governance then why drag in points raised through a political campaign that is marked by extreme and destructive hostility? If there are dangerous liaisons, as alleged by the Communist Party of India(Marxist) against the Trinamool Congress, then surely addressing the danger would put paid to the allegations and the liaisons.

To wait for 180 or so people to be killed in the last one year in West Bengal alone, before starting the process of coordinating a strategy to deal with the Maoists is ridiculous. It is not enough to argue that law and order is a State subject under the constitutional dispensation and, therefore, the moment has to be ripe enough for the Home Minister to step in and perform a masterly trick. The Centre, after all, had issued the warning about Maoists posing the greatest threat to internal security even before the 2009 general elections. It took a while for the Centre to think about invoking the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act and then there was the fuss over whether the Act and the ban should be confirmed by West Bengal separately.

The incremental approach has less to do with dealing with the problem and more to do with anticipating the criticism that political and civil society actors would unleash and then working towards appeasing them before taking action. With hindsight, it seems that the reluctance to tackle the Maoist situation is shared by the Centre as much as West Bengal. The plea that joint operations by the State and Central security forces have caused minimal collateral damage in Lalgarh-Jangal Mahal is to ignore the nearly 180 killings by Maoists. Can these dead be defined as unfortunate incidents in the line of duty or should they be described as victims of a weak-kneed political establishment?

It is depressing to think that critics of ‘state-sponsored violence’ are a significant concern and not the families of the dead of the ruling regimes beyond payment of compensation. Political parties, however, are a different kettle of fish altogether; they need to play it both ways. Therefore soothing the anguish of civil society is as much their concern as grieving with the families of Maoist violence. If the CPI(M) has consistently grieved with the families, the Trinamool Congress can claim to have done so too. If the CPI(M) has taken the flak for supporting police and Central security forces operations, then the Trinamool Congress can claim it has opposed these forces in name of protecting innocent tribal victims of police atrocities.

The image of the innocent tribal is pre-determined; they are paraded, armed with bows and arrows and axes and spears. Now that the situation has changed, the bows and arrows are gone, the stories about a new santhal uprising have evaporated and the menacing image of well-armed Maoists dressed in fatigues has been superimposed. The new age tribal, therefore, ought not to be confused with the archaic type, though both are deployed by political manipulators to serve a purpose that has nothing to do with tribals or their problems and everything to do with winning elections and acquiring power, as an end in itself.

LUDHIANA: Amidst the voices of dissent against rising prices and inflation, another protest was organized in the city on Monday. Members of Marxist Communist Party of India, Ludhiana district, staged a protest on the call of central committee of Marxist Communist Party of India. During the stir, protesters raised slogans against unemployment, corruption, repression of Dalits, tribals and other marginalized sections.

The protesters claimed that there was no check over black-marketing and hoarding in the country due to which common man was facing a tough time in providing for his family. They alleged that reports submitted by deputy chief minister Sukhbir Badal and local bodies minister Manoranjan Kalia were against the welfare of general public.

Addressing the dharna, speakers said the policies of liberalization, privatization and globalization being vigorously pursued by central government led to exploitation of the poor. The speakers also condemned the repression of ETT teachers and strongly opposed the Dadri Nangal gas pipeline, saying it would destroy the fertile land of hundreds of Punjab villages.

NEW DELHI: Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi met finance minister Pranab Mukherjee on Thursday and is understood to have discussed proposals relating to the Budget such as an added thrust to the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MNREGA).

It is understood that he also shared with Mukherjee his views on the food security Bill, social welfare for tribals and youth. It was on Gandhi's urging that the rural guarantee scheme was made nationwide. He has previously highlighted the need for special packages for distressed areas.

By Bharat Jhunjhunwala

If the poverty is removed, the voters will not clamour for reliefs and the MPs’ ability to get votes by giving out small reliefs will be impaired.

India is today self-sufficient in food and emerging as a global economic and military power. But the people are restive. The constitutional arrangements are not meeting people’s expectations. People’s representatives routinely support anti-people economic policies. Farmers are committing suicides because prices of agricultural produce are kept low. The government encourages imports when the domestic prices are high and deprives the farmers of these profits. On the other hand, exports are prohibited when international prices are high to maintain low domestic prices. The farmer is made to lose both ways. Poor educated youth are jobless. Economic policies encourage use of more capital and less labour. Tax exemptions are based on the amount of capital invested, not on the number of jobs created. Unemployed youth join the Naxalite groups or come under influence of religious fundamentalists in desperation. People of Nandigram resisted the creation of an industrial hub because few jobs would have been created while they stood to lose their land. Policemen who suppress the people’s anger were rewarded with a huge raise in salaries under the Sixth Pay Commission. Question before us is this: Why do the people’s representatives elected by the people follow anti-people policies and how do they yet manage to get re-elected again and again? One reason for this sad situation is the nature of the electoral constituencies established by the Constitution. All voters in a geographical area are put together in a constituency. The conflicts within a constituency are glossed over. Landlords and agricultural labourers; businessmen and workers; and shopkeepers and consumers together elect one person as their representative. The elected MP and MLA are representatives both of the businessmen and the farmers. The MP is therefore, free to make policies in favour of the businessman or the farmer. Theoretically the MP should make policies that secure the welfare of the largest numbers. But like the voters, the MP is also interested in securing his livelihood. His livelihood is best secured by making policies that beget him more cuts and commissions but also enable him to get re-elected. The MPs, therefore, make policies that keep the voters poor and impoverished and provide benefits to the businesses. They make policies that ensure that people remain poor and keep clamouring for small reliefs. They do not want to remove the poverty because then the voters will not clamour for reliefs and the ability of the MPs to get their votes by giving out small reliefs will be impaired. Exploitation The government, for example, first allows big businesses to exploit the groundwater. The farmers’ tube wells go dry. Then the MPs and MLAs intervene to have some water released in the canal or to have drinking water supplied through tankers. They get cuts both in allowing big companies to exploit groundwater and in supply of drinking water by tankers. Or they make laws that do not provide quick justice. This problem lay at the root of differences between Gandhi and Ambedkar. Dr Ambedkar wanted separate electorates for the Dalits. Gandhiji said that it would be unwise to do it because a Dalit would then remain Dalit in perpetuity. He will have no escape from his Dalithood. On the other hand, Ambedkar held that only such individuals will be elected from reserved constituencies who towed the line of the upper castes. Both arguments appear to be valid. Gandhiji’s fear has turned a reality. Every caste is today trying to have itself declared as SC or OBC. Everyone wants to encash his birth instead of building on his deeds. On the other hand, the 180 MPs elected from among the SCs are ineffective in securing the welfare of the poor because their own incomes are secured by toeing the line of the upper castes — exactly as Ambedkar had feared. One possible solution is to make occupational constituencies. Let all farmers, agricultural labourers, industrial workers, businessmen and government servants cast their votes in separate constituencies. Similarly the agricultural labourers, artisans, businessmen and government employees can be placed in separate constituencies. The MPs elected in this way will be directly answerable to their voters earning a particular livelihood. The MP elected from a farmers’ constituency will not be able to give a false explanation that ground water should be given to the businesses. Real debate on use of groundwater will then take place in parliament between the farmer-MP and the businessman-MP. The main point is that the connection between the voter and the representative will be made through a clearly defined livelihood. The millions of poor farmers, agricultural labourers and unorganised urban workers will be able to demand policies that are beneficial for them and not be taken for a ride. Such an arrangement should be acceptable both to Gandhi and Ambedkar. No stamp of Dalithood will be put on one who is born Dalit as Gandhi wanted. At the same time, many constituencies will spontaneously become ‘Reserved’. Almost 90 per cent of the agricultural labourers and artisans are Dalits. These occupational constituencies will double up as Dalit constituencies. We must revisit the Constitution and make a structure that makes elected representatives truly answerable to the people.

Imphal | Feb 13  : The formation of Manipur unit of Trinamool Congress has been announced officially today. In the sideline of the official announcement, Trinamool Congress convenor and former Lok Sabha MP Kim Gangte said that the Members of Parliament (MPs) from her party would highlight in the Parliament the issues of the state particularly repealing Armed Forces Special Powers Act, (AFSPA- 1958) from Manipur. The Manipur Pradesh Trinamool Congress Party (MPTCP) was formed on January 29 which was officially announced on Friday.
Meanwhile, it is yet to be decided who will be the president of the Trinamool Congress of Manipur unit. Former chief minister of Manipur, R.K Dorendro and former MP, Kim Gangte have verbally announced as the convenors of the party for the time being by Dr. Kaholi Ghosh Dastidar, Trinamool Congress MP. Either of them would be elected as president of TC Manipur Pradesh after three or six months.
Kim Gangte while informing that Dr. Kakoli Ghosh had asked to furnish the data of Manipur with regards to the issues of the state so as to highlight in the Parliament, she assured changes in the state will be witnessed once she began her activities as Trinamool Congress member. When questioned about her joining the MPTCP, Kim Gangte said that she is inspired by Mamata Bannerjee who has been fighting for the rights of the public. Kim Gangte also said that the chief of MPTCP, Mamata Bannerjee would be visiting the state shortly and then only president of Manipur Pradesh Trinamool Congress would be elected.
While informing that Trinamool Congress is formed in four states of North East region namely Assam, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, Kim Gangte also stated that the party would be formed in Mizoram as well. It is worth mentioning that R.K Dorendro had tendered his resignation letter to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) state unit on Thursday as its member.

Shillong, Feb 12 NCP national general secretary and former Lok Sabha speaker P A Sangma today said the "value" of the status of chief minister has gone down in Meghalaya with the elevation of three other politicians to the rank and status of chief minister here.

"The value of the status of CM itself has gone down," Sangma, a former chief minister of Meghalaya, said while commenting on the recent elevation of the rank and status of Pradesh Congress President Friday Lyngdoh, political advisor to Chief Minister D D Lapang at par with that of the chief minister.

Lapang also elevated former chief ministers Donkupar Roy and J D Rymbai, chairmen of State Planning Board and Meghalaya Economic Development Council (MEDC) respectively, to the status and privileges of chief minister.

Sangma said this was uncalled for especially in the light of the "financial constraints faced by the state".

We wrote last fortnight about Amar Singh’s plans to raise little pockets of revolution all across Uttar Pradesh to add fuel to the separate-statehood demands. His plan of hurting his one-time mentor, Mulayam Singh, is something akin to cutting your nose to spite your face: he wants to carve up UP into four to six smaller states and reduce Mulayam to being just a leader of one of them. This is exactly the plan of Mayawati also, so we were wondering how Amar’s plans tied in so neatly with Mayawati’s. That’s now clear. Amar is looking for various places to go; and though Mayawati’s BSP is unlikely to be the place he will land up in, there is no doubt now, after Amar’s open expression of sympathies for Mayawati, that the latter is only too happy to help Amar in whatever he can do to hurt Mulayam. Amar Singh’s nuisance value is high. That is why he will find a party to go to sooner or later.

Freeloader Chief Ministers
In these days of the retail boom, buy-one-get-three-free is a common offer. But Meghalaya has extended this bargain offer even to the high office of the chief minister. The Congress Party here has a new mantra for insuring its government in this politically unstable state: elect one chief minister, get three free! Yes, politicians have often made a mockery of the Constitution earlier but none worse than what has happened here. This tiny state has four chief ministers—one chief minister who is the chief minister and three others who love to play ‘office-office’ at the expense of the taxpayers. The Constitution has place for only one chief minister but Meghalaya needs more room at the top. So, DD Lapang, the constitutionally elected chief minister, has elevated three others to the ‘rank’ of chief minister, just to massage their ego and prevent them from pulling the rug from under his feet. The three chief ministers who are not actually chief ministers but cost the taxpayer equally (they get the same security and perks as the real one) are Meghalaya Congress chief Friday Lyngdoh, State Planning Board chairman, Donkupar Roy, and Economic Development Council chairman, JD Rymbai. This came to light when Mr Lyngdoh was elevated to the post recently. Sonia Gandhi’s Congress, which makes a great show of austerity by flying cattle class, apparently has different rules for Meghalaya. When the news broke in Delhi on 1st February, the Party’s normally aggressive spokesman, Abhishek Manu Singhvi, was sheepish.

“I agree this is relatively unusual. But it is a small state and has political instability. We hope their shoulders (those who have taken the decision) are broad enough to bear the political cost, if any.” But he explained that there was, indeed, only one chief minister (Mr Lapang); the others were just dummies with the same perks but not the powers of the chief minister. “They (others given the rank of CM) do not have the jurisdiction to take decisions of a chief minister. The decision-making is with the CM,” he said. So, what do they do through the day, Mr Singhvi? Play ping-pong with people’s money? Freeloaders!
Supreme Dodge
The Chief Justice of India (CJI) KG Balakrishnan might have run out of ideas on how to keep the office of the CJI and the Supreme Court out of the purview of the Right to Information (RTI) Act. The Delhi High Court has twice turned down the apex court’s plea to keep the menace called RTI out the door and the CJI is on record saying that he will not go in appeal. That does not necessarily mean daylight is shining on the Supreme Court and everything will now be transparent. Savour this example: LK Batra, a resident of Noida, read the CJI’s comments on 11 December 2009 that the pendency of cases in India would cause the litigant to revolt and the system to crumble. Upon this, he moved an application in the Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court seeking to know the number of cases year-wise since 2007 where arguments have been concluded but judgements reserved. The High Court promptly replied. It said there were 6, 4 and 367 such cases awaiting judgement since 2007, 2008 and 2009, respectively. Not used to being questioned, the Supreme Court Registry just bounced the query saying it does not keep such records! If it is true that the Supreme Court does not keep such records, it is a shame. If it is not true and the Court is just dodging answers, it is a greater shame. Either way, it is high time the Supreme Court Registry realised that the era of opacity is over. Let the light in, Justices; let the light in.

Just What the Babus Love…
Many ministers are upset with prime minister Manmohan Singh’s grading system for measuring the performance of departments under their charge. Ministers heading about 60 ministries and departments were summoned with their secretaries to the PMO in early December 2009 to agree on certain goals and parameters to measure their performance. Every secretary signed something like a ‘memorandum of understanding’ and every minister countersigned it. The document is called Result Framework Document (RFD), prepared by the Performance Management Division set up in the Cabinet Secretariat. The RFD is based on the recommendations of the Second Administrative Reforms Commission that laid stress on performance and accountability. This, the PM feels, will make the ministries commit to the government’s agenda both administratively and politically and make them shift focus from process-orientation to result-orientation. The ministries have to list their programmes and deadlines on their respective website by April 15 every year to allow people to judge their performance at the end of the year.  How the prime minister uses people’s verdict on the targets displayed on the ministries’ websites is not clear, but the bureaucrats’ committee will be giving marks by measuring progress in implementation of targets. The marking system is: Excellent–100%, Very good–90%, Good–80%, Fair–70% and Poor–60%. For performance below 60%, the ministry will get a big zero. All that’s fine, but why are ministers upset with this exercise that might end up as one of the many well-meaning ones to tone up the administration? Because, the ministers think that the final decision on rankings is left to the bureaucrats. Some ministers have already started saying that the RFD will just be duplicating the work of the Delivery Monitoring Unit set up in the PMO to oversee implementation of ‘flagship programmes, new initiatives and iconic projects’. The babus are, of course, delighted. Duplicate, triplicate… just what they do every day!
MPs Need a Variety of Food for Thought
For decades, our honourable members of Parliament have feasted on the idli-dosa-sambar from the canteen in the Central Hall of Parliament building. Politicians, bureaucrats and senior journalists can’t stop talking about how good the food there is. The canteen has been run by the catering wing of the railway ministry all these years but, with Parliament getting younger (there are more young MPs in this Parliament than at any time before), the demand for a multi-cuisine menu has been growing. The babalog (as the young ’uns are called) will soon have it their way. From the session coming up shortly, the old kitchen is being spruced up and even a public-private-partnership (PPP) is being considered to end the railway ministry’s monopoly. Big brands from Delhi will most likely get to serve the honourable members. The General Purposes Committee of the Lok Sabha is likely to take up this issue in its March 2010 meeting. Even MPs need good food for good thought. Happy munching!
BV Rao has wide experience across print, TV and digital media. He was group editor at ZEE News and senior editor with DNA and Indian Express.

Hyderabad, Feb 9: Even as the quashing of state government proposed minority quota reservation by the Andhra Pradesh High Court continues to draw mixed reaction, the BJP has come up in support of the decision.



Javadekar said that being aware that it was unconstitutional to seek reservation in the name of religion, Congress should avoid fooling the Muslims.

"We hope Muslims will also understand how Congress tries to fool them," he said.

Citing that the Constitution forbids reservations for religious groups, Javadekar said that he hoped that the party would stop in their attempts to bring in minority reservation.

BJP had always vehemently protested reservations for minorities, saying that the backward caste reservation covers up the backward classes in Muslims and other religious denominations.

Reservations for Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians were also by BJP on the grounds that those religions do not acknowledge those caste

New Delhi Feb 8

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh today announced an 11-member committee of central ministers and chief ministers of states to overhaul the public distribution system and check the rise in food prices. Singh will be the chairman of the committee. Other members include Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar, Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia (he holds the rank of cabinet minister) and chief ministers of Punjab, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, West Bengal and Assam.
The announcement came after a day-long meeting of chief ministers along with the Union cabinet here today to look into the issue. Prices of most farm commodities have risen sharply in the last few months, which has caused food inflation to climb to 17.56 per cent for the week ended January 23. Food inflation hurts the weaker sections of the society harder because staples form a higher portion of their overall consumption.
There was near unanimity at the conference that the public distribution system is hopelessly outdated and needs to be urgently revamped if low-income groups have to be shielded from the rise in prices. It is an opens secret that large quantities of subsidised food grain meant for the poor get diverted to the market.
Singh also asked the chief ministers to act against hoarders who want to benefit from higher prices in the future. But he said that the worst is over as far as food inflation is concerned. “With good crop prospects, remunerative procurement prices being in place and Indian prices being broadly in line with international prices, I am confident that we will soon be able to stabilise food prices. Food prices have softened in recent weeks and I expect this to continue,” he said.
Singh attributed the inflation to the global rise in prices and poor monsoon rains last season, and added that his government has been “less successful” on the food prices front, though it has protected incomes well through a range of social sector schemes. Economists and food experts have said there is a shortage in the world markets because of higher demand from emerging markets like China and India, and increased usage of farmland for bio-fuels.
“This is not the first time we are facing high rates of inflation in food articles. We had a similar upsurge in 1998. Food prices are subject to cyclical bursts of inflation and we must work together to bring them under reasonable control.” Singh added.
Maintaining that the government has adequate food stocks of rice and wheat, Singh asked the chief ministers to ensure the “tempo for increased production is not lost and the necessary inputs — fertilisers, water and power — are made available to the farmers on priority”.
He also asked the wheat-growing states to conduct a review to ensure that all the necessary arrangements are in place. “In addition, we should also plan for Kharif 2010 to ensure that all necessary inputs are tied up well in time. These measures will help to moderate inflationary expectations and contribute to price stability,” he added.
Singh asked the chief ministers to ensure that food released by the Centre quickly reaches the intended beneficiaries.
“The state governments should give focused attention to developing market intervention mechanisms which can act as a supplement to the Public Distribution System. Civil supply corporations and directorates should be strengthened. Powers under the Essential Commodities Act should be used to prevent creation of artificial scarcity,” he said.

Jual Oram addresses a news meet on Saturday. Picture by Sanjib Mukherjee

Pawar came in for attack over price rise at the Congress Working Committee (CWC) meeting on Friday.
Vilasrao Deshmukh, R.K. Dhawan and Satyavrat Chaturvedi led the attack on Pawar without naming him.
Deshmukh referred to the minister’s irresponsible statements that further fuelled price rise — a point flagged also by Chaturvedi. Alluding to Pawar’s mention of collective responsibility, Dhawan wondered why the Prime Minister’s name was being dragged into the issue when the tradition is to keep him above controversies.
Other members wanted the agriculture ministry to work more responsibly. No one, however, called for splitting Pawar’s portfolios of agriculture, food distribution and consumer affairs.
Coming on the eve of the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s interaction with chief ministers on Saturday, the over two-hour long CWC — chaired Congress president Sonia Gandhi and attended by Singh  — registered its concern over price rise, with members urging chief ministers to strengthen the PDS, check hoarding and black-marketing.
The chief ministers of Meghalaya, Mizoram and Assam hit out at the Food Corporation of India for not supplying foodgrains in time. Dr Karan Singh called for stricter laws to deal with hoarders.
Gandhi set the tone of the meeting by voicing concern on the issue on which 18 members later spoke. Singh assured them of an improvement in the situation shortly. But neither he nor Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee reportedly spelt out any steps to control inflation.
The CWC had a five point agenda — price rise, Telangana, organizational polls, the upcoming budget and the celebrations of the party’s 125th anniversary.
With the Union Budget round the corner, the CWC asked the UPA to focus on the aam aadmi.
Defence Minister and Maharashtra-in-charge A.K. Antony went beyond the agenda when he flagged the “serious” situation in Maharashtra that posed a threat to national unity.
“We have to handle it carefully,” he said, his concern echoed by some others who called for dealing sternly with disruptive forces (Shiv Sena and the MNS).
Digvijay Singh maintained it was high time to resolve the Telangana statehood issue. Home Minister P. Chidambaram spoke of the steps taken by the government to restore normalcy in Andhra Pradesh.

PANJIM, FEB 4 :  Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat today said that the vote bank politics is taking its toll on national security.

Addressing a gathering of swayamsevaks (volunteers) at Panjim Gymkhana grounds, Bhagwat said that India is under threat from its neighbours Bangladesh, Pakistan and China.

“There are crores of Bangladeshis infiltrating in Assam and one wonders whether the State will remain part of India considering that Bangladesh’s vision document clearly states that there is shortage of land in that country and they want to extend their borders in Assam,” he said.

“Bangladeshis illegally staying in India should be sent back to their countries even by canceling their names from ration card and electoral roll, if required,” he said.

Bhagwat said that there is provision in the law to form internment camps for these illegal people to shelter them before being deported to their parent country.

“The government should at least now act against illegal migration by keeping aside their vote bank politics or else the day will come when they will get muscles in the political system,” he warned.

Apart from Bangladesh, he said India is facing threat from Pakistan as well as China.

“Even after 26/11 Pakistan has failed to act against the terrorist groups acting from their land and India has done nothing to thwart this threat,” he said adding “….by now we should have thought them a lesson but our government thinks otherwise.”

 He said China is also improving its bilateral relations with all our neighbours and also captured our land in North Eastern States.

“Why doesn’t government act on these things?” he asked.

“The vote bank politics is taking a toll on nation’s security,” he said adding “Only Hindutva can save this country.”

He boasted that RSS cadres rushed to the rescue in any kind of natural calamities or tragedies before even police or other government machinery can reach.

“This is because of the strong feeling to serve the country, which is nurtured in the heart of a swayamsevak,” he said.

“Join RSS and be the part of groups, who are ready for self sacrifice for the country,” he appealed.

"The Study Group will visit tribal areas, especially in NDA-ruled states, and prepare a report on the problems and issues concerning tribals," Munda said after a meeting of tribal affairs ministers of NDA-ruled states chaired by party chief Nitin Gadkari. The issues include education of tribals, their access to forest produce, land acquisition grievances, development of villages, participation and strengthening of Panchayats, and electrification.
"The group will also look at ways to protect the tribal culture," Munda said. When asked if the study group would also investigate the impact of Naxalism on tribals, Munda said the issue was on the agenda of the team.
However, the issue of re-conversion of those who left Hinduism is not on the list. "This (re-conversion) is an independent issue.
But those who want to come back (to Hinduism) are welcome," Munda said. Senior BJP leaders Bal Apte and Devdas Apte will act as mentors for the group.
The recommendations of the group will be implemented by NDA-ruled states, Munda claimed.

DARBHANGA — Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi, who is on a two-day visit to Bihar widely dubbed as an exercise to test the waters, had to leave Darbhanga after students of Lalit Narayan Mithila University got agitated over his Gujarat remarks.
Apparently to woo Muslim students, the son of Congress president Sonia Gandhi reportedly said, “India can change only if Gujarat changed first.”
The students created ruckus accusing the scion of the Nehru-Gandhi family of doing politics in university campus. They asked him to abstain from making political utterances and that the campus was not a platform for such meetings.
Protesting students shouted, “It’s Congress government in Maharashtra and you also have the government at Centre, but why do you keep your mouth shut when Biharis are beaten in Bombay. Don’t come to Bihar to play your cheap and hypocritical politics here.”
Gandhi had to apologize as Congress leaders present at the venue failed to calm down the angry students. He, finally, had to leave the campus as students refused to listen to him.
Earlier, he arrived in Bettiah in West Champaran district and drove to Bhitharwa Ashram from where Mahatma Gandhi had launched the Satyagraha movement in 1917.
Gandhi, who is expected to address more youth meetings in the state to galvanize party workers ahead of the polls, said,”Congress will contest on its own in the Assembly elections.”
Later, he will visit Bodh Gaya in Gaya district to meet Dalit youth. In the evening, Gandhi will visit Patliputra to meet Congress leaders at the party headquarters Sadaquat Ashram. He will interact with girl students at a college in the city.
With the Youth Congress having launched a membership drive on January 12, Gandhi will interact with potential candidates at several places.
The Congress managed to win only two out of Bihar’s 40 parliamentary seats in last year’s general election.

Kolkata, Feb 1 : Maoists attacked a police posse in strife-torn Purulia district, injuring eight policemen, and killed a Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) activist in West Midnapore district of West Bengal, police said Monday.

Three senior police officials, including an additional superintendent of police and a deputy superintendent of police, and five constables were wounded when the ultras attacked them while they were preparing to raid Kumra village under Bandwan police station of Purulia district following a tip-off that the left-wing extremists were holding a rally Sunday.

“The police party went to the village on receiving specific information that the Maoists, including some involved in recent killings, had assembled in the area,” Purulia police superintendent Rajesh Yadav told IANS over phone Monday.

When the police personnel reached the village they were attacked with arrows and bricks by a mob, which also carried axes.

Another police officer said Purulia ASP C. Sudhakar was hit by bricks on his face and head, while DSP (headquarters) Tanmay Sarkar fractured his right hand. The officer-in-charge of Bandwan also sustained injuries. Five constables were struck by arrows.

When a baton charge proved futile, the police resorted to firing.

“There were no reports of any casualties due to the firing,” police said.

Unconfirmed reports, however, said two villagers were injured.

“All the policemen are out of danger,” Yadav said.

In a separate incident, the body of a CPI-M worker was found in the Belpahari area of West Midnapore district Monday morning.

Atul Singh Sardar, member of the anti-Maoist mass resistance group, was abducted by the Maoists from his residence Sunday night, police said.

Suspected Maoist ultras also blew up a mobile telephone tower in Ishara village under Bhimgarh police station of Birbhum district. They also set fire to a truck at Bechkundi under Jhargram police station of West Midnapore district Monday.

The Maoists are mainly active in three western districts of West Bengal - Birbhum, West Midnapore and Purulia.

By Krittivas Mukherjee
NEW DELHI, Feb 1 (Reuters) - The likely pace of economic reform remains the main political risk for India, given the ruling coalition's inability to take bold steps to further open up the economy despite last year's strong election victory. The spread of 5-year credit default swaps on ICICI Bank -- used as a proxy for Indian sovereign debt because of its better liquidity -- is around 181.50 basis points, compared to a weighted average of 134.40 for the Thomson Reuters Emerging Asia Index. The ICICI spread narrowed to around 165 last month, its lowest since the onset of the global economic crisis, but has since widened slightly. Following is a summary of key India risks to watch: * ECONOMIC REFORM While the government had appeared to be in a strong position to press forward with an ambitious economic reform agenda, progress has been much slower than some investors had hoped. The government has made headway in some areas: it has pledged to reform tax laws, disinvest in some 60 state-run firms and formed an experts panel to ease foreign investment in the financial sector -- steps markets would regard positively. [nSGE60D0F4] But the government is seen as repeatedly giving in to street protests -- such as demands for new states driven by ethnic and regional groups [nSGE5BD0FY] -- raising doubts about firm governance that is needed to quicken the pace of reform. The Congress party, which heads the coalition, is also seen as trying to balance the opinion of its many younger, reformist politicians against more traditional figures within the party who often focus more on political expediency. [nSGE60H07R] Expediency has meant that painful adjustments to freer markets, for instance labour reforms and deregulation of farm prices, have been shelved in the face of public pressure. What to watch: -- Markets will watch for moves to privatise some state firms, relax restrictions on foreign direct investment, ease restrictions on foreign banks, and reform labour laws. -- If investors conclude that the pace of reform will remain much slower than previously hoped, some of the gains in Indian markets since the last election will be retraced. Stocks in sectors affected by reform delays would be hardest hit. * INFLATION AND MONETARY POLICY Food prices are rising at an annual rate of nearly 20 percent in India and the government is struggling to find a solution. There have been several mass protests and the opposition has been making the most of the issue, but the Congress Party faces no risk of losing power any time soon. Tensions are emerging within the government, however, with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh recently berating his farm minister over food prices. Increasing hardship could spark social unrest. [ID:nSGE60H07R] Signs of tension between the government and central bank over the best policy balance have emerged, making monetary policy more difficult to forecast. The bank has been getting more hawkish on inflation while the government insists economic recovery must not be compromised. The central bank last week left rates unchanged but surprised markets with a 75 basis point rise in banks' reserve requirements, higher than expected. [ID:nSGE60O07O] What to watch: -- Comments by key government and central bank officials on the timing and scale of interest rate rises. If disagreements widen, the greater policy risk and inflation concerns would weigh on Indian debt prices . -- If food prices continue to stoke social discontent, the government may feel less inclined to push ahead with economic reforms, with a negative impact for Indian markets. * EXTERNAL SECURITY After a hint of recovery in their relations from the depths plumbed in the aftermath of the 2008 militant attack on Mumbai, tension is mounting again between India and Pakistan amid reports of near-daily border skirmishes. The diplomatic temperature has also risen over the rejection of Pakistani players in an auction of players for an Indian cricket tournament. Military conflict remains only a very slim possibility. But a limited confrontation cannot be ruled out if Pakistan-based militants once again launch a major attack on Indian soil, making India-Pakistan conflict an unpredictable risk. And Pakistan's weak government, under threat on several fronts, may have its own reasons to focus popular anger on India. [ID:nSGE60I04Z] Ties between India and China have soured with the resurgence of a long-festering border dispute in Arunachal Pradesh. Reports of border incursions sparked unease. India also balks at Beijing's support for projects in Pakistan-controlled Kashmir and a separate visa policy for Indian Kashmiris, which New Delhi sees as undermining its claim over the region. There is little chance of war between the two countries but further disputes could sour their booming trade relationship. [ID:nGEE5B71X0] What to watch: -- Progress on resuming substantive talks with Pakistan. India remains reluctant to make any concessions unless Pakistan does more to deal with those behind the Mumbai attacks. Any sign of rapprochement would be greeted positively by investors, but would not have a significant short-term market impact. * INTERNAL SECURITY The risk of violent attacks by domestic insurgent groups or foreign militants remains high. Al Qaeda and affiliated groups see India as a key battleground, and Pakistan is likely to remain a haven for militants seeking to launch attacks in India. Security forces are also battling a Maoist insurgency spreading across large swathes of countryside, much of it rich in minerals. What to watch: -- The danger of new attacks. Investors have priced in the threat level in India, as the muted market reaction to the Mumbai attacks showed, but attacks causing a serious deterioration in relations with Pakistan would be market-negative. [ID:nGEE5B5050] * TRADE AND PROTECTIONISM India will play a central role in determining whether the Doha round at the WTO can finally be concluded. The government's strong mandate and relatively secure position may allow it more flexibility in reaching agreement even if this is opposed by some powerful interest groups. But India continues to show an ambivalent attitude towards freer trade. Though New Delhi has pushed ahead with bilateral agreements and favours an ambitious timetable for sealing a Doha deal, it raised protectionist barriers on some imports this year and said core issues in the Doha round remain unresolved. [nSGE60A0F9] What to watch: -- Any sign India -- and the United States -- are more prepared to make concessions to achieve a new trade deal. (Compiled by Andrew Marshall and Krittivas Mukherjee